Organizations are not different from other living organisms. They come into being, go through the processes of learning and growth, mature and adapt to changing material conditions, or stagnate and die.

Often the ability to adapt to the changing environment is the most critical element that determines whether species and other living organisms adapt or die.

Change is the only permanent constant in life. Out of the womb of the old the new gets born. Sometimes, the old must die for the new to be born. Yet in other occasions, the new itself is not ready to be born and the old refuses to die.

The genesis of the ANC bears testimony to this irrefutable law of nature. Throughout the 104 years of the ANC’s existence, there have been ebbs and flows, growth and stagnation.  Amongst many other factors that prevented the ANC from early death was its ability to adapt to new conditions and circumstances. Over time this critical element of survival was termed the ability to “self- correct.”

Denialism has never been a defining feature of the ANC. The ANC’s history has been the history of “problems identified and problems solved,” to paraphrase the late ANC stalwart and Isithwalandwe, Comrade Walter Sisulu.

The resilience of the ANC, amongst other things can be attributed to its ability to criticize itself openly and honestly, genuinely seek to understand the form and the content of the challenge, its cause and effect, essence and phenomena and locate it properly in time and space.

This has been made possible because of its umbilical cord, which is connected, to the people.

Consequently, an ANC that is not connected to the wishes and aspirations of the people, which are its lifeblood and nerve center, can never survive.

It is against this background that various ANC conferences in our recent past have made a clarion call for organizational renewal.

The recent local government elections outcome is the clearest indicator of a need for urgent surgery and renewal, before the ANC’s condition becomes terminal and incurable. Scientific and empirical evidence (declining electoral support over time) suggest that unless something extraordinarily drastic gets done soon, death is our inevitable end.

My perspective is informed and grounded on the raison d’être of a revolutionary and transformative movement for radical socio-economic change. Whilst losing political power does not necessarily lead to the immediate death of the ANC as an organization, however, the ANC’s historical mission as articulated in our strategy and tactics document and our perspective on the national democratic revolution, does not foresee an ANC that exist for its own sake. In other words, occupying opposition benches is simply not in our DNA. Hence the need to reclaim and regain lost ground.

The ANC is a revolutionary organization that has a clear mission of building a National Democratic Society. Hence the need to retain political power, with a full mandate from the majority of our people to continue with the radical socio-economic transformation project

It is in this context, that urgent steps need to be taken to prevent a scenario where we need to lose power first before we appreciate the need for urgent organizational renewal.

Extraordinary circumstances require extra ordinary measures. The scale and scope of renewal must cut across all levels of the ANC and all its component parts.

The first step required for a process of renewal to unfold is to admit without reservation, that doing nothing is not an option. The modalities of how this process must unfold and be managed are merely a tactical question and not a matter of principle. “There is no power that can stop an idea whose time has come,” said Victor Hugo.

At the center of this process of re-imagining a renewed ANC lays the function of leadership and conscious and active membership that appreciates the gravity of the challenges of our time, a collective that understands that we have arrived at our own “Morogoro moment.”

I have no doubt in my humble mind, that the ANC, that I came to know, love and respect over a period spanning over three decades, can rise to the occasion and effectively and decisively renew itself.

The words of that eminent prophet of liberation, Franz Fanon, reverberates on my head as I recall his profound challenge when he said in his seminal work in the (wretched of the earth), “every generation must emerge from its relative obscurity, identify its mission, fulfill it or betray it.”

Men and women of integrity, young and old, from urban and rural areas, black and white, rich and poor, are yearning for a renewed ANC that will restore the confidence of the overwhelming majority our people as a custodian of their wishes, aspirations and ideals as contained in the Freedom Charter.




History is littered with coincidences that ordinarily mean nothing at first glance. We sometimes find meaning to these coincidences only when we actively search for connecting substance.


It is the same thing that could be said about the month of September. In our country’s political calendar this month is recorded is the Heritage Month in which we celebrate and reflect on our diverse past – in search of the essence of our identity as a people. In so doing we promote the symbols of our culture that define the best of our values as we attempt to build a truly non-racial, non-sexist and people-centred democratic society.

It was also by historical coincidence that on 26 September 1936 in the remote village of eMbhongweni, eMbizana, Nomzamo Winfred Madikizela was born. Although she was born into a family of learned parents, it is not difficult to think that neither could they have thought that they had given birth to a child who would become one of the many shining and crucial symbols of South Africa’s political heritage.

Comrade Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the mother of our nation, represented defiance and courage against repression at moments of our struggle in which the power of the Apartheid regime appeared almost unbreakable. Her presence amongst the people of South Africa in our townships provided the glimmer of hope and inspiration that was important in keeping up the spirit of resistance and revolutionary protest. She remained this symbol of hope despite the attempts by the regime to break her spirit through solitary confinement away from her children and people, hoping to destroy any sense of commitment to the plight of the nation. None of this had the desired effect.

In the African National Congress’s revolutionary language and political metaphors we came to normalise the reference to women as Imbokodo- rocks- in honor of the courageous women of 1956 who marched to the doors of the Union Buildings in protest of the inhumane pass laws. These are women who defied the odds of aggression from the police in order to make their contribution to justice and freedom in our land.

It is this spirit of justice and freedom that remain a driving force behind the courage and resilience of comrade Winnie. She lived and continues to live her life as a testimony to the centrality of women to the struggle for justice and development throughout the history of humanity. This has always been her contribution against entrenched attitudes of backwardness that relegates women to secondary citizens of the world.

She affirmed her autonomy and political agency outside of the magnanimous shadow of her husband, the towering struggle icon President Nelson Mandela. By so doing she proved and taught to many doubting minds that women are legitimate political actors with their own moral motivations and not appendages to their husbands, fathers, brothers, boyfriends and colleagues.

It is in this act of defying the forces of Apartheid oppression that comrade Winnie Mandela together with other women, in the ANC and the entire liberation movement, were also producing values that must underpin a new society.


The distinctive contribution of women like comrade Winnie to the struggle against colonial oppression also served as an act of defying the entrenched culture of sexism and patriarchy even in revolutionary political movements.


It was a constant art of teaching male revolutionaries and younger generations that human agency resides in all of us regardless of gender and sex.

As we continue to deepen the National Democratic Revolution with its objectives of creating a new society driven by non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy; we have to look into the experiences of the past.


These experiences constitute the political heritage that we have to seek progressive values from; and use those to build a social consciousness that binds all of us to strive for an equitable society.

It is the lives of people like comrade Winnie Mandela, that were built in struggle, which must be looked into as living heritage from which lessons about the present and future can be extracted.


It is these lives that remain instructive symbols of hope that the human spirit can learn great lessons from courageous women. The struggle against patriarchy in all its manifestations- in domestic violence, rape, street harassment and catcalling- requires a resilient effort from all of us as women. We need to organize ourselves seriously as a clear voice to articulate the sort of anti-patriarchal social relations we want to enforce on this society. In her 80 years of life Comrade Winnie remains a great symbol of the values that we need to look up to in order to achieve greater strides against this.

Happy and Revolutionary Birthday Comrade Winnie Madikizela Mandela, MaMsuthu, Mother of the Nation. Nwele olude ntombi yama Ngutyana.






In his opening address to the 48th national conference of the African National Congress on 02 July 1991 in Durban, former ANC President Oliver Reginald Tambo stated that: “Even as we provided leadership, we were always conscious of the fact that the ANC was the people`s parliament.

The widespread circulation of Constitutional Guidelines was a further assertion of the sovereignty of the people. The unity in action of our people has remained the guiding beacon throughout the days of illegality.


To reach our goal of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, sooner rather than later, then we must not deviate from this course. In this context, we considered it important that decisions of the ANC were to be shaped by popular mass endorsement at all times.


Even if such decisions were acceptable within the Movement, they would have come to naught unless they enjoyed popular support beyond the bounds of the ANC itself. Whilst our policies were in terms of our beliefs and convictions, they also reflected and served the people`s interests. Above all, we sought to make the people part and parcel of our decisions.”


It is from these visionary words spoken by OR Tambo that many of us have drawn the nourishment that has taught us what the ANC is about and what it stands for.


Because we have, at all times, known this, it is an important starting point for us as we reflect on the recent local government elections and the challenges facing our movement currently.


In analysing the outcomes of the local government elections and aiming to chart a way forward for the ANC in this critical stage of the Revolution, we must first of all remind ourselves that the ANC in and of itself has not yet lost the popular mandate of our people, contrary to popular opinion.


Despite the setbacks suffered by the ANC during local government elections, the ANC remains and has always been a “parliament of the people,” existing not just for the sake of its members but for the well-being and benefit of South African society at large.


In its policies, programmes and leadership choices the African National Congress must at all times take into account not just the views of its membership, but those of society at large, as we seek to attain our objective of building a National Democratic Society through the National Democratic Revolution.


We must remind ourselves that in municipalities such as Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay, where there has been a change of guard, the ANC won an overwhelming majority of municipal wards. This shows that the ANC has not lost the confidence of the masses of our people.


Yes, there are political challenges that we must attend to and there is disillusionment with some political dynamics that we must deal with. However, the ANC’s performance in the local government elections does not reflect a complete rejection of the progressive agenda that we have been driving as a revolutionary organisation for over a hundred years.


It is these political challenges, reflected in the fact that our popular majority has declined (and has been declining for a while now) and disillusionment with some political dynamics that has brought us to this crossroad we find ourselves in. There is no doubt that there is a need to reposition this glorious liberation movement within society.


It is important to note that the recent electoral losses took place within a global context where there have been electoral reversals against left-leaning political formations, with a specific focus on Latin America where leftist parties in Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela as three pertinent examples have suffered severe setbacks.


This should not be seen as making excuses for the internal political shenanigans within our organisation that have seen us lose the biggest Metros in the country, a huge blow for the transformation agenda that we have been driving since 1994 as a governing party.


At times like these, it is critical that we look back in order to go forward, lest we be accused of what Hegel meant when he said, “We learn from history that we do not learn from history.” We must go back into our history as a revolutionary movement to draw lessons that will help us chart a better path forward for our people as we seek to continue to lead them.


It is with this in mind that we must go back to the epoch-defining Morogoro conference, a historical conference that helped reshape the character and nature of our historical struggle as a people and positioned the ANC better as the vehicle to lead this struggle.


Prior to Morogoro, there were a whole range of challenges that necessitated a conference of such a nature in order for the liberation movement to move forward as the rightful leader of our people and as the true custodian of the hopes, aspirations and ideals of our people.


At that time there was a challenge of the integration of diverse ethnic groups in the organisation; serious challenges in terms of the coordination of the political and military elements of the struggle; a challenge in terms of building new leadership echelons, not just to replace those who had been imprisoned in the years before but also to deal with the strategic repositioning of our struggle through its internationalisation.


Before Morogoro, there were also some serious questions about the lifestyles and modus operandi of the exiled leadership. There were accusations that the NEC had grown unwieldy and the personal misconduct of some members was severely criticised by the rank and file who were starting to lose confidence in the leadership.


As a result of the failed Wankie campaign, the first armed military operation by the ANC’s military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe, Cde Chris Hani drafted a memorandum to President OR Tambo in which he charged the leadership of the ANC with incompetence and living luxuriously in exile.


It was a scathing critique of the leadership’s apparent failure to recognise and give attention to those soldiers who participated in the Wankie and Sipolilo campaigns (in other words there was disillusionment with the sitting ANC leadership and a gap, again whether perceived or not, between the leadership in exile and the relative comfort they lived in and those that they led).


The memo contrasted the tough conditions the military cadres had to endure with the more comfortable lifestyles of those in the political wing. Specific leaders such as Cdes Joe Modise, Moses Kotane and Duma Nokwe were singled out for special criticism.


In looking at these pre-Morogoro challenges one can draw clear comparisons with present day ANC challenges, albeit in a different context as the ANC is now a party in government as opposed to a party in exile fighting a just cause against a brutal, unjust and inhumane regime.


In the current context questions are being asked about the lifestyles and modus operandi of our leaders. There are loud cries about incompetence and lack of capacity against our leaders.


There is a gap (whether perceived or not) between the leadership and the people, hence the loud cries against “ANC arrogance” that have grown increasingly post the local government elections.


The people see a huge contrast between the increasing comfort that leadership lives in and their dire material conditions. Specific leaders, such as President Jacob Zuma have been singled out for special criticism.


There are increasing cries that the ANC must place new, younger, fresher, more dynamic leaders in key (strategic) positions in order to advance the NDR.

The NEC stands accused of being out-dated and out of touch with the times with NEC members’ conduct being severely criticised by ordinary members.

In light of all of this, one is inclined to ask the Leninist question in trying to reposition the ANC within society: what is to be done?


The answer once again lies in going back to Morogoro and the response of President OR Tambo and the leadership at the time.


Faced with its most serious crisis up to that point, the ANC initiated a process of consultation and discussion that culminated in the Morogoro consultative conference. President OR Tambo’s response amidst all the challenges of the time was to call for a consultative conference.


Prior to this conference he called for widespread consultation on the future of the organisation. A huge effort was made for these consultations to be as inclusive as possible. The NEC resolved that: “the conference must be the climax of a campaign of discussion, criticisms and proposals covering all aspects of our work.”


The NEC resolved that the consultative conference must “revolutionise the style of work and effectiveness of our organisation and achieve unanimity for future action.” The conference was convened after extensive consultations and its outcome was a change in the structure, character and ethos of the liberation movement as well as a renewed unity and determination to carry out its revolutionary responsibilities.


For example, the NEC was reduced from 23 Africans to 9 Africans, the Revolutionary Council was created to integrate the political and military strategy, and this council included people from other races.


The greatest outcome of course was the Strategy and Tactics document which informed the ANCs (people’s) struggle for many a decade from thereon and still remains profoundly germane in our day and age.


In Cde Joe Slovo’s opinion, “Morogoro also asserted the right of the rank and file to have a say on who would lead them.”(It countered the top-down leadership approach).


So in looking to reposition the ANC within society in the current context, we need to remind ourselves of the words of OR Tambo as quoted at the beginning and realise that the ANC does not belong only to its members, but to society at large and should therefore take society’s opinions into account as it seeks to continue leading as the “strategic centre of society”.


The ANC needs to take lessons from Morogoro and consult widely and extensively before calling a conference to consult and chart a way forward. The ANC needs structural and systemic changes which may necessitate leadership changes as happened post Morogoro.


The ANC needs to re-instill in essence (not just in ideal) the principle of the branch being the basic unit of the organisation. We need to rid ourselves of the top-down leadership approach.


We need fresh blood to help us take the struggle forward and fulfill the generational mandate of “economic freedom in our lifetime” as laid out by the ANCYL in its role as the radical re-energiser of the ANC.


In response to the Hani memorandum, some leaders, like Joe Modise called for harsh action to be taken against the signatories to the memorandum. They wanted the ANC to court martial and shoot the signatories to the Hani memo.


Parallels can be drawn here between the Hani memorandum and the harsh response and the present day Occupy Luthuli movement and calls for its leaders to be treated harshly and expelled.

We are all grateful that sanity prevailed and the signatories to the Hani memorandum weren’t court martialled and shot and hopefully history will record the same outcome about our response to the current dissenters in these challenging times.


We must remind ourselves of the words of a member of society on social media recently, who is not an ANC member but is a supporter and lover of this glorious people’s movement, “in the recent local government elections, the people of South Africa did not say that they want the EFF and the DA.


The message they delivered is that they want a better ANC to take them and the country forward.






Through our life journey, we meet different types of people. Some will touch our lives but later continue on their course and we forget about them. But others won’t just make a mark in our lives but they’ll leave their footprints in our minds and hearts. Steve was that kind of a human being.

Even though there’s a specific day set aside to celebrate Biko, the truth is, every day is a Steve Biko day in the life of an African, especially in South Africa at the moment where we find ourselves grappling with issues of African-ness.

Extract from the Political Report of the National Executive Committee to the second National Consultative Conference of the ANC, Kabwe, 16-23 June 1985, presented by President Oliver Tambo

“This is the appropriate occasion to disclose that in the course of this work we had, by1976, arrived at the point where the time had come for us to meet that leading representative of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), the late Steve Biko.

Arrangements were made for us to meet Steve Biko in 1976. Unfortunately, it proved impossible to bring Steve out of the country for this meeting. Another attempt was made in 1977 but this also did not succeed. Subsequent arrangements failed also. Steve Biko was of course subsequently murdered.”

Let me confirm that a meeting hosted by ANC Secretary General, Alfred Nzo ultimately took place in Lusaka from 17-18 December 1978. The BCM delegation was led by Barney Pityana and included Harry Nengwekhulu, Jeff Baqwa and Mashadi Phakathi. The ANC side included Zinjiva Nkondo and Welile Nhlapo. It was indeed a frank, cordial and constructive meeting.

What was Steve Biko’s driving force?

The passion of Steve Biko was to engage and explore the possibility of unity of the Liberation forces. He had started consultations with leaders of several formations including Robert Sobukwe. He remained true to the recognition by SASO that the real leadership of our struggle were those who were in prison and those in exile. This position was also informed by an admission of the reality that students had serious limitations in their quest to move to a higher level of ‘physical liberation’, a euphemism for armed struggle.

He convincingly argued this position during the 1972 General Students Council (GSC) held at St. Peters Seminary in Hammanskraal. This was shortly after the closure of Black Universities and expulsions following the national strikes to protest the expulsion of Onkgopotse Tiro from Turfloop. The resultant decision would lead to a process of broad consultations which led to the formation of the BPC in December of that year. This also led to discussions by some of us about leaving the country to join the Liberation Movement.

Working with Steve Biko

One of the decisions of the GSC was to explore the possibility of establishing a black press. Some of us worked with Steve in engaging elders like Dr Nthato Motlana, Dr Sbusiso Nyembezi and senior black journalists about the project. A seminar was held in Braamfontein for this purpose. These processes were partly disrupted by banning orders imposed on eight leaders of SASO in early 1973.

In the interim Steve was employed as a programme director at the Christian Institute initiated Black Community Programmes. It was during this period that he piloted the publication of Black Review, as a record of activities in the black community. He enlisted the services of Tebogo Mafole and Welile Nhlapo as primary researchers and writers for the publication. We were supported by Bokwe Mafuna, Ben Langa and Malusi Mpumlwana in compiling some of the chapters.

We interviewed leaders of various black organisations from sports to other social formations. We relied largely on the Rand Daily Mail library for information and reports on various activities. We also bought and read Hansard to reference debates on issues covered by the Apartheid parliament on matters particularly affecting the black community. Focus was also on Bantustans and the tri-cameral parliament. We worked day and night including weekends to meet the tight deadline of five months that we set ourselves.

Another project he led was organising youth and students at high school level. This resulted in the establishment of the National Youth Organisation and inspired the emergence of the South African Student Movement (SASM). This entailed travelling all over the country establishing provincial structures of youth in particular.

Perhaps our task is not to write about Steve Biko but to live by his principles. Steve was very sensitive about the conditions of black people, the rural poor and workers. He set up clinics and other community projects. Some of them stand today as monuments of his legacy. He was a rounded person and a visionary leader, widely read and wrote many articles in the SASO journal and other publications. He had a very deep sense of humour and loved fun. Steve was a friend, a legend and a profound modest leader. A lot of us remain indebted to him.


Xolela Mangcu ...Exec Chair ...Platform for Public Deliberation ...13 Dec Pics & Copyright RUSSELL ROBERTS 083-766-9105 .



Nelson Mandela described Steve Biko as “the spark that lit a veld fire across South Africa”. What did Mandela exactly mean by that?  The best way to answer that is of course by examining what Biko actually did, the consequences of those actions, and their relevance for contemporary South Africa.

In this article I point to five aspects of Biko’s life and work that need to be carried forward by the younger generation of South Africans as they seek to shape the future of this country in keeping with the best traditions and values of the freedom struggle.

First, it often goes unmentioned that Steve Biko was only 21 years old when he started the Black Consciousness Movement.  At the age of 22 he was the president of the South African Students Organization, and by age 25 he was an elder statesman banished to his home in Ginsberg in the Eastern Cape.  He was receiving ambassadors and political leaders from around the world at his mother’s house in Ginsberg. He had already written the prophetic essays that were later collected by his friend Aelred Stubbs and Hugh Lewin into the volume, I Write What I Like.  Many people think Biko was older than he actually was and this is because the liberation struggle is often thought of as something that was the business of older peoples such Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Walter and Albertina Sisulu, Robert Sobukwe and others.

Second, young as he was, Biko had an acute appreciation of the centrality of ideas to the success of any struggle. As he famously put it, “the most important weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed”.  Without consciousness, your freedom and your power can be your worst enemies.  From thereon it is easy to betray your own revolution and prey on your own people.

And that takes me to the third remarkable aspect of Biko’s intervention – a new consciousness did not come out of thin air.  You needed strong cultural and intellectual institutions to produce it, which is why Biko and his comrades started the Black Community Programmes, which undertook development projects in communities throughout the country; Black Review, which conducted surveys into the state of Black communities; the Institute for Black Research under the leadership of Fatima Meer; and the magazine Staff Rider, which was where a young person in Ginsberg could share ideas with another young person in Lebowakgomo.  All of that initiative produced the Black Renaissance of the 1970’s.

The fourth point was his quest for unity among the liberation movements.   The apartheid government caught wind of a planned meeting between Biko and Tambo and set out to do everything in their power to stop it.  On 18 August 1977 Biko was caught travelling from an abortive meeting with the Unity Movement’s Neville Alexander.   After killing him, they also set out to destroy the entire cultural, intellectual and social infrastructure that gave meaning and purpose to our struggle.

They could kill Biko but they could not stop what he had set in motion.  The young people who had risen in protest against Bantu Education in 1976 and 1977 left the country in droves to join the ANC and the PAC. The infusion of energetic young people ready to take arms was the best thing to have happened to the ANC’s Umkhonto we Sizwe.

And so the fifth and final point I want to make is that without the intervention of Black Consciousness there would have been no resumption of the liberation struggle. And yet the ANC government has not seen fit to honor this martyr with an airport or a day in his name.

The question that remains though is this- where are the cultural, intellectual and social initiatives that led to the Black Renaissance in the 1970’s?  Where do young people now go to develop their ideas about our society?  The situation in our country is not as bad as it was in the 1960’s – far from it. But there is one respect in which it remains analogous to that time- Black people are still not in charge of the production of ideas. Unless there is an infrastructure to produce ideas, Black people will forever be dependent on ideas developed in the white world.  This means we will forever consume not only ideas but products made by others, which is another way of describing powerlessness. This is a struggle of a different order from fighting for political rights and winning elections. This is the struggle for cultural-intellectual power. Without it there can be no civil society – the setting of all settings.

If Biko taught me and my generation anything, it is that only when we are free in our minds, can we be comfortable in our own skins, literally and figuratively, whether as individuals or as groups.  A nation without consciousness is a nation without priorities.  Twenty years after our freedom, we need a new conversation about what a new national consciousness might look like.





The African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) marked its 72nd anniversary on September 10 amid increased anxiety about the future of the ANC because of its weak performance in the local government elections. This symbolically communicates a systematic erosion of the ANC’s public standing, and posits the need for a rigorous rethink of its future by all its members.

Historically, despite the attacks on its legitimacy, the ANCYL has shouldered the task of rebooting the ANC during such downturns. The ANC has experienced three similar times of decline and near-disintegration in its life.

I contend that the current period objectively qualifies as the fourth time that the movement has been at a crossroads regarding the effectiveness of its political strategy and organizational orientation.

Past evidence, however, shows that these conditions of decline were reversed only because a rigorous generation of thinkers would emerge within the party’s ranks, asserting a radical rethink of the ANC in its organizational systems and strategic political orientation.

Incidentally, almost all of this forces of renewal that successfully thrust the ANC out of its moments of disorientation, were organized under the banner of the ANCYL, or were younger Umkhonto we Sizwe militants during the underground period of the struggle.

It is in line with our past experiences that a conversation arises in the youth league and the ANC about the substance of the crisis we are experiencing. This will depend on whether a sizeable corps of intellectually and politically creative members with the capacity to nudge the party towards a nuanced conversation about our institutional crisis can emerge.

This would require a brutal critique of our ideological and theoretical weaknesses in understanding South Africa’s changing social class structure and the related shifts in public political imagination.

This is evidenced in part by the ANC’s misunderstanding of the black middle class, its existential anxieties, and the political sensibilities that motivate its behavior and eventual voting choices.

We seem to be excusing our misunderstanding of the changing social class structure by condemning the emergent social strata as ungrateful beneficiaries of the democratic transition. We do this without accounting for the systemic fault lines that produce highly indebted black middle classes who have no sustainable capital assets to support their nascent social position.

Twenty-two years into democratic governance, it appears that our strategic perspective on economic transformation is unable to boost the lower and middle social classes.

We have to rethink questions about the balance of forces as well as the composition of the motivating forces for radical change, with respect to the constitution of economic and political power locally and globally. The post 2008 global setting provides a need for us to revisit entirely our formulations of strategy and tactics.

We also have under-theorized the broad practical substance of non-sexism. Whereas there are positive narratives about gender equality and radical attacks on the institutional power of patriarchy in some social spaces, we have in the past decade been caught wanting on the other side, by upholding backward attitudes about women and the LGBT community.

As a result, we are no longer leading society in reimagining and articulating the identity of post-apartheid South Africa, despite our religious claims. This has led to a discord between what we think we have to do in government and what different social classes expect of us.

Our arrogantly disastrous handling of corruption complaints and perceptions has succeeded only in hollowing out our moral credibility, which, as it is, has been under pressure from our inability to articulate a forward-looking radical perspective that appeals to newly eligible voters.

It is troubling, however, that the need to reimagine our movement arises within a muddied internal framework of analysis that views all political development from the pre-emptive position of factional biases.

For instance, the youth league recently began a series of open letters in which it presented as critical reflections on cabinet ministers and public policy matters of which they are custodians. This is apposite insofar as it re-orientates the movement towards matters that are essential to public dialogue.

These open letters, in my view, have revived one of the forgotten yet critical traditions of the ANC; that of rigorous public exchanges on matters of policy strategy as a systematic means of capturing the public imagination.

Whether the youth league succeeds or fails to be among the forces that become the midwife to a renewed ANC will depend on the capacity of the leadership to withstand ridicule and to engender honest and robust reflections about the state of the party while drawing on as many opinions as possible from thinkers in the ANC and the youth league, regardless of their positions because rebooting the ANC requires brutal critique.









Since the advent of democracy, progress have been registered under this dispensation, to which women in particular, as a motive force of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) can clearly define their role in charting the way forward on how to realise their aspirations.

This as enshrined in the Women’s Charter of 1954, in contrast with the Freedom Charter of 1955.

It is an undeniable fact that our Bill of Rights echoes the aspiration of the Freedom Charter, therefore the trajectory of the NDR has been institutionalised at the heart of our democracy.

Our Women’s Charter is unequivocal in this point where is stipulates that “the level of civilisation which any society has reached, can be measured by the degree of freedom that its members of its society enjoys. The status of women is the test of civilisation”.

What then becomes the barometer of the strides we have made against the failures we have suffered or the stagnation we may be experiencing?

One of the key instruments that can be used to analyse the trajectory of the National Democratic Revolution, is how the balance of forces stands as it relates to progress made in the realisation of a non-sexiest society.

The Congress of the People that adopted the Freedom Charter in 1955, further give resonance to the principle mentioned above of the Women Charter when it says “only a democratic state, based on the will of the people, can secure to all their birth-right without distinction of colour, race, and gender or believe”.

On the 27 April 1994, the people of South Africa as a whole without any discrimination of any sort, marched through the doors of Independent Electoral Commission, to cast their votes as a nation for the first time. This was one of the first milestones that have echoed the sentiments of the plight of the struggle for liberation of our people, to be governed under a democratic State.

This is seen as a major achievement as the struggle against apartheid was primarily the struggle for democracy.

There is a growing sentiment that we cannot always refer to the past in defining who we are as a nation and why society is constructed in the way that it is.

However, it is not entirely wrong to say such sentiments are in direct contradiction with how different systems and concepts have been formed. It is a fact that History is a critical component of Theory of Knowledge in every subject or concept that is used as a tool in different aspects of life. As we find solutions it is important to first find proof if what we say and where we are, is a direct consequence of a sequence that can be traced from a certain point until a specific point.

The South African government has been part of a number of International forums and conventions where we played a meaningful role in contributing to different resolutions that are used globally under the UN.

We have also domesticated a number of those developmental resolutions in our own policies and plans in government.

Furthermore some of those instruments and resolutions are informed by our own domestic policies and plans through our participation at different levels of structures of the United Nations.

The UNDP regional structure responsible for our country has alluded to this point While significant achievements have already been made in areas such as access to basic water supply, improvement in service delivery remains a priority. Since 1994 South Africa has set out to rigorously dismantle the apartheid system and to create a democratic society based on the principles of equity, non-racialism and non-sexism. To achieve these objectives the Government of South Africa has pledged to promote equality and eradicate poverty.”

This is one of the clear stipulations that reflect the intricate details that distinguish the dialectical relations between the objectives of the NDR and the program of our democratically elected government.

The MDGs established measurable, universally-agreed objectives for eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, preventing deadly but treatable disease, and expanding educational opportunities to all children, among other development imperatives. As a country we have been able to achieve a number of those goals in a form of these deliverables

We have been able to increase income and decrease the levels of poverty, increase access to improved sources of water, increase the primary school enrollment, most especially for young girls and the rural and previously disadvantaged masses, decrease child mortality and eradicated women mortality due to child birth challenges. We have also increased access to ARV’s therefore decreasing the mortality rate in society caused by HIV/AIDS pandemic.

We have now entered into a new paradigm of 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals in order to take forward the programs and principles of Millennium Development Goals. Our country’s participation in the UN has contributed a lot in the development of the 17 principles of the SDGs. This was possible because we managed to use our National Development Plan, as a baseline to further the agenda of development of the entire world. With this we are able to play a meaningful role in International Solidarity.

This should make it easier for our nation to pride itself as we continue to ensure that the developmental agenda, started in 1954 and 1955 charters of the people remain the anchor of all our goals, through current policies and legislative processes.

The struggle of the liberation of our people and the attainment of the principles of the Freedom Charter was not meant to end in 1994. As Moses Kotane once said “Revolution Ke Batho”, it will take us as a nation, collectively to move forward or to stagnate. As the conditions in which our revolution’s trajectory changes domestically and internationally, we should never find ourselves despondent when we suffer setbacks or relaxed when we reach certain milestones.

What brings us together as a nation, is the attainment of a non-racial, none sexist and prosperous society that will be characterised by a transformed economy, social well-being and a better life for all

The struggle belongs to us as the people. As a nation we will have to make an introspection of whether we still appreciate where we are going and our leaders need to ensure that they inspire confidence so that our revolution should not be side tracked from its trail.

The movement will have to continue from time to time, to self-evaluate and analyse the environment as we continue to be servants of our people. In all the strides we have made and the new aspirations that are born out of those successes and challenges, we must always remember that this is a legacy left for us, therefore we should handle it with care as we prepare to pass it to those who comes after us.

It is also crucial to ensure that there should never exist a situation where any group in society feels that it alone, must carry the burden of transforming society in order to realise one or another objective of the NDR. For example, to build a non-sexist society remains one of the key programs that the ANC as a movement must lead, equal to other objectives of our revolution. It shouldn’t be left only to ANCWL and other progressive women structures to fight for, it is the responsibility of this movement to defend the gains of women emancipation and prioritise the agenda for the development of women.

It is time that indeed when we make introspection as an organisation, not only should we look at our success on economic issues, but we must prioritise social transformation of not only race nor class, but of the status of women as well. We have witnessed the growing number of interest from Young Women in the programs of the ANCWL. This is a clear indication that the movement has capacity to mobilise this important motive force of our revolution. We need to increase our efforts in addressing the issues raised by these young women in the dialogues that took place during the Local Government Elections, such as the distribution of free sanitary towels or the a total burn of tax on the sale of sanitary towels. We have to find ways of addressing the inaccessibility of education in Institutions of higher learning as a matter of urgency; we need to ensure that there is a traceable upward mobility plan of women in both private and public sectors. It is our immediate responsibility to expedite the creation of sustainable jobs and strengthen the support of our institutions to cater for the plight of young women in the SMME sectors.

Through this, we will be able to register a significant value in how our society transforms itself and continue to carry the agenda of building a National Democratic Society, with the hegemony of the ANC as a leader and the true liberation movement of our people.   United we stand!!





While the rest of the world discusses the sociology of Racism and its limitations, ours is a lived and deeply entrenched reality.

Just like the colonial yoke, we will probably be the last country to unshackle ourselves from this scourge. Racism in South Africa will not simply disappear because we all wish it to – it will have to be consciously unlearned.

The struggle against racism has been a long, protracted and arduous journey that still remains unfulfilled. From the time of the arrival of colonialists on our shores to this very date we still, in different measures, have to contend with the ugly revival and re-appearance and resurgence of this monstrous beast in the national scene in South Africa.

The issue is not only the conduct of those who still harbour racists beliefs, but also of critical importance is the empowering of the victim of racism to accept that he/she is of equal worth to his fellow citizens.

Thus, a substantial improvement in the lives of Africans will constitute a veritable panacea against racism. Taking our people out of poverty and helplessness will go a very long way towards defeating racism as it thrives not just on unequal laws, but more so on poverty and disempowerment.

The struggle for freedom and justice has since its inception been premised on the urgent need to overthrow an oppressive, minority and racist regime.

From the many frontier wars that were waged, to the loss of land and dignity, to the imposition of iniquitous laws and loss of productive use of the land – these were all ingredients that accentuated the struggle for justice.

The formation of the ANC in 1912 in Bloemfontein signalled a new chapter in the struggle against racism and minority rule. Following the declaration of the Union of South Africa, the result was the exclusion of the African people from the franchise, thus confining them to the perpetual status of underclass.

At first, the struggle was about the quest for inclusion. The next approach was to build mass democratic organisations with the view to capacitate our people to fight for the overthrow of an unjust system.

Our people intensified the struggles against racism and its symbols such as the pass laws, influx control, forced removals, Bantu Education and the Group Areas Act.

After its assumption of power in 1948 the Nationalist Party was obsessed with the desire and determination to send a very strong message to Africans that they will be “put in their place.”

Oppressive laws such as the Criminal Law Amendment Act, the Bantu Education Act, the Suppression of Communism Act, the Native Resettlement Act and the Group Areas Act were passed in an alarming speed. All these laws were passed within the first five years of the assumption of office of the National Party.

The ANC had come to accept the centrality of the unity of our people as a potent weapon against racism and minority rule.

The victory of the Nationalist Party in 1948 was an attempt by the new Afrikaner rulers to foist a Nazi style stranglehold over the African people.

The ANC was faced with a critical task of navigating the complex maze of the South African political scene when it decided to work closely with the white, Indian and coloured organisations while at the same time retaining its hold on the aspirations of the African people.

This creative approach towards a non-racial political posture and activism required serious soul searching and handling of complex relations that involved at first the Liberal Party, the Indian Congress and the Communists Party of South Africa including the trade Unions.

The ANC took a conscious decision that the struggle against racism in South Africa should include White and Indian political parties.

With such a groundswell of mass based national support, victory against the racism regime was assured. This was a new and strategic direction that the ANC crafted for a non-racial broad political fulcrum whose opposition against the racist regime was to prove formidable.

The repression of the Nationalist Party also played into the hands of the strategic thrusts that the ANC had fashioned for itself as many organisations soon realised that their political salvation rested with the broad ANC led mass based and non-racial movement.

This would substantially increase people’s fighting chances against the apartheid system. At a time of serious national crisis, the ANC conceived of a strategic direction that would harness and marshal the South Africa populace into a single national democratic front.

Such was the display and expression of foresight on the part of ANC leaders at a time of great strife.

As we are faced with the threat of the resurgence of barbarism, we too are called upon to be more creative and farsighted and foresighted in our response.

Our history, to date, is such a pivotal beacon that must always guide and show us the light and the way.

As the marauding forces of darkness are making their rehearsed debut in many fronts in our democratic state, we must remain assured that the pillars of a non-racial and non-sexist state are firmly in place – and that nostalgia for the bad old days of racist rule will remain nothing more than a pipe dream.

What we are witnessing in recent South African politics are mere acts of racist nostalgia born of the historical hangover of White political power.

These are not institutional actions with the potential to undermine the eclipse of a new democratic state.

However there are signs of nostalgia on the part of those that still long for the dark days of racist minority rule.

We must not think that we all shared the victory against a racist apartheid regime and its brutal machinery. There are many who still mourn its loss and they will occasionally display signs of relapse.

The emotional scars that are a result of the loss of political power by our fellow White citizens must not be undermined.

The loss of the benefits that came with a racist society are still being felt to date and these are compounded by the still existing economic privileged status of most White South Africans.

That their privileged economic status cannot alter the trajectory towards a non-racial society is distressing and frustrating to most, if not some.

So the occasional resurgence of isolated cases will not and must not deter us. Instead they must embolden us to continue on our chosen course of action.

Let us also be reminded of the fact that even amongst Africans, there are those who will still wish and long for the days of the mater – servant relations.

There are those Africans who still cannot get rid of the inferiority complex which underpinned the policy of apartheid.

The lack self-confidence, coupled with an eagerness to please, prevents many of our people from ridding themselves of inferiority complexes even though they are empowered by the laws of their country.

Bantu Steve Biko argued that the most important weapon in the hands of the oppressors is the mind of the oppressed. We need to invest in the mental liberation of our people and not just accept that given a new democratic and human rights based constitution, they will necessarily embrace a liberated mindset and outlook.

The many Africans who have joined the ranks of the Democratic Alliance (DA) suffer from such a mental inferiority complex.

We need to ask hard questions as to what is it that could be done to rescue them from this inferiority status that always make one to seek tutelage from ‘baaskap’?

White patronage and White tutelage is still firmly entrenched in our society. The struggle to liberate our people from it must be sustained.

We should not be side-tracked by occasional outbursts of racism.

Ours should be a long term and sustained struggle against racism and all of its manifestations. There are few remedies that are at our disposal that we should activate to continue the struggle against racism in South Africa.

One is Public Education.

There is a serious need to ensure that there is a sustained and protracted public education programme against racism. Government and its various entities should embrace this campaign and some of its public statements and expressions must be intended to foster a    campaign against racism. Public and private institutions must also be brought on board to lend their support and commitment to the fight against racism.

Another is developing an anti-racism curriculum for society.

The younger generation should be inducted into a society that eschews racism and upholds a democratic and egalitarian culture.

At an early age, we need to deliberately foster a non-racial culture that is in keeping with our constitutional state.

It is to this end that we need to and must bring about a conscious anti-racist curriculum at  all levels of educational institutions in our country. This must affect all universities, colleges and basic education institutions. This anti-racist curriculum must also be strongly hinged on fostering a patriotic culture. To engender a love and appreciation of the country will go a long way in promotion of anti-racist culture.

A third is sustaining the fight against poverty.

Racism thrives on condition of material and spiritual. Poverty engenders feelings of self-hate, inferiority and underclass. The poor feel that their poverty is brought upon them because they are the unwanted and are thus rendered weak to fight against racist acts and undertones.

The continued lack of social infrastructure, lack of sanitation, lack of housing, lack of access to work and work opportunities contribute to absence of self-worth.

Victory against Apartheid was thought to have been as impossible as the duel between the whale and an elephant, to borrow the expression from Professor Edgar Brookes.

We have managed to undress apartheid’s self-professed mantle of divine inspiration and exposed it for what it is.

We have managed to unmask the monster of its monstrous façade and have debased its lofty pretensions of invincibility. It was exposed for what it was.

We have come a long way and need not allow those detractors who wish to pour scorn on our hard worn victory. Ours are no half measures, but long term and sustainable solutions.








This month’s local government elections, as with all the successive national and municipal elections preceding them, were a victory for participatory democracy – with the ultimate victor being the people of South Africa, whose will was expressed resoundingly.

We have witnessed a maturation of our democracy with these elections. We acknowledge this fact with Sir Winston Churchill in mind when he told the House of Commons in 1947 that “no one pretends that democracy is perfect or all wise”.

There are many lessons that we, as members of the ANC, can draw from the results of the 2016 municipal elections. As before; the people have spoken.

Bold actions are required immediately to arrest our electoral decline as identified by the ANC national executive committee (NEC). These challenges are critical if we are to maintain our position as the leader of society with the capacity to continue driving a transformative and developmental vision; to rid South Africa of the legacy of apartheid. Historical inequalities continue to stand in the way of realizing a country free of poverty, discrimination and injustice.

The ANC has always affirmed that healthy debate and engagement with the citizenry is the lifeblood of democracy. And, equally so, critical engagement within the ANC itself has been the hallmark of our movement since its inception.

This necessitates robust engagement, open to a variety of views and streams of political thinking. South Africa has a robust and free press, bolstered by a strong civil society that makes it possible for this sort of engagement. Hence Plato’s notion of democracy as “a charming form of government, full of variety and disorder” becomes relevant.

Regretfully, it has become easier to mobilize on social media platforms and newspaper columns than to engage in critical and factual dialogue with both the party and government. We must critically interrogate what has now become the accepted perception that the organization has alienated the electorate to a state beyond redemption.

This includes the perception that the ANC has become “arrogant” – something said to have contributed to the trust deficit between the government and its citizens. In the absence of proper interrogation, myths such as “nothing has changed since 1994” will go unchallenged.

Despite the impressive gains made by the governing party in the years since the birth of democracy, gains that are regularly cited by bodies such as the UN Development Programme (UNDP) on its human development indices, we are endlessly bombarded with news and media coverage that paints a picture of a country in disarray, wallowing in poverty and underdevelopment, as well as a governing party that’s resting on its laurels.

Although dissonance and dissent are critical facets of our democracy, it is important to also consider whether the society we wish to build should be one that is devoid of constructive criticism, where only the voices of the naysayers hold sway.

Ours is a social compact between the governing party and society. We have – as the ANC – made a call on all sectors of society to engage us as part of the project of rebuilding – to help us realize the future to which we all aspire.

This cannot be achieved through shouting from the sidelines. It needs us to commit to talking to each other rather than at each other as has become the norm.

As the ANC engages in critical introspection following these elections, we take cognizance of the fact that the people are unhappy with our performance on many levels, and that we have to take their concerns seriously. This is a commitment made by the ANC NEC in its statement last week.

The ANC is calling on all South Africans to be part of the nation-building project. This necessitates that we do not sugarcoat our shortcomings but pursue avenues of citizen engagement that will actually make a difference in the way our country is governed.

To accelerate the pace of socio-economic transformation, we need social activists and public intellectuals to work with the governing party and give voice to the concerns of the electorate, not the concerns of those beholden only to power and privilege.

Critical voices are indeed part of a vibrant society but, at the same time, they must help to point us in the right direction by offering concrete and workable solutions to the problems we face as a country.

Sloganeering, blanket condemnations and sweeping statements do not serve the public good, but unfortunately engender greater despondency and despair.

As a country we can do without what Edward Said called “the free-floating intellectual, whose technical competence is on loan and for sale to anyone” (1993 Reith lecture, “Representations of an Intellectual”).

We are calling upon such citizens to engage critically with the instruments that drive the government’s vision and the project of nation building. We need them to engage with understanding and appreciation of the underlying causes of our societal challenges.

We are calling for robust engagement that catalyzes progress and helps move the country forward. As Said has outlined, the intellectual in society should be responsive, audacious, innovative, represent change, and not stand still.

Throughout its history, the ANC has been the home of intellectual engagement and debate. Where an impression has been created that such is stifled, we must then revisit our actions to reopen that door.

The people are their own liberators and we cannot attain the vision of a just society without the active involvement of the citizenry.

Together we must re-imagine platforms of engagement, appreciating both the necessity of the ANC’s structural and constitutional integrity, as well as the imperative of an accessible, open and engaging organization.

As we take stock of the tumultuous political events that have taken place, we have no doubt that they will further shape our democracy in time to come.

We remain convinced that the ANC is the only reliable tool in the hands of the South African people to realize the vision of a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous country.

The ANC still remains the only political home for all South Africans who share this vision.

In her book In Quest of Democracy, Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi said of democracy: “Like liberty, justice and other social and political rights, it is not given: it is earned through courage, resolution and sacrifice.”

Indeed, it is also earned through brave and patriotic voices willing to be part of the solution to address weaknesses and shortcomings where they are encountered.





Africans have always held a firm belief that death and birth in our communities have great significance. It’s an incessant umbilical cord linked to nature reminding us that time is but a borrowed currency. That birth remains a symbolic significance of hope and continuity and death is an abrupt yet necessary end to life or a cycle.

Yet the two extremes are interdependent and co- exist, for a balance in the cycle of life; that an end of a season ushers us to the next. That even for re-birth a certain death must happen. Yet death in itself can signify a new dawn, a new beginning – change or even a transition.

However the nature of death seems like an imposition, even expected it can never be accepted. Death is always been described as untimely yet there are deaths as timely as the change of seasons, timely as the shedding of dead skin by a snake, timely as the fall of rose petals and leaves from trees- signifying tentacles of a winter dawning upon us.

On the 22nd of August 2016 Mama Nonhlanhla Mthembu used the last currency of her borrowed time.

Like any of us she woke up with no pre-emption of how the day’s chapter would close and no anticipation of the fate of the ANC in Johannesburg.

She carried the hope that the organization she so loyally served, would still be afforded the currency of time to improve her life and the lives of her community. Anxious as she might have been, naturally given the political events, she still harbored hope as the abrupt alternative might have been unimaginable.

The African National Congress has been going through various transitions that have seen the organization shape and re-shape itself through deaths and new beginnings. Other transitions seemed so fatal that it was close to impossible to imagine survival and yet despite the shedding of leaves, its roots remain entwined with the society it leads.

Many have spoken of the ANC as a mammoth organization with the ability to cleanse itself. The ANC has always been the gargantuan institution of liberation movements even bestowed the status of immortality. It’s always been the phoenix that rises even from particles of burnt ashes.

Yet these local government elections unveiled the abrupt reality of a death which might even severe the roots which sustain the evolution and survival of the ANC.

From the 3rd of August 2016 death seems eminent, yet this might be a death that the ANC might never resurrect from. The scars, pain and ruptures in the ANC have taken their toll on the movement, the price heftier than imagined.

Evidence that even the immortal is not immune to fallacies of mortality. Yet this reality wasn’t abrupt, the loss of power in key areas wasn’t surprising as painful as it seemed at that time.

It was a manifestation of the state of the ANC, a harsh consequence of unfolding travesties that have left the ANC ailing, vulnerable and bleeding. It was a necessary sign that it’s an organization that can no longer be subjected to exploitation and yet continue to upsurge from it. Its screams were heard through the antagonistic sentiments of many South Africans who used the ballot to affirm this.

Whilst we arrogantly dabbed to the notion that the “ANC is big and shall cleanse itself”, we forgot that it’s us mortals who destroy and tamper with laws of nature. That it’s us mortals that tamper with organic processes of life and death and it will subsequently be through our actions that the ANC will lose any chance of revival.

Whilst it’s easy to submit to the comfort of blame and vent towards each other, at some point we need to all leave the temporary comfort zone and take responsibility not only for the state of paralysis of the ANC but more importantly, to safeguard the revolution and protect the future of those that still have vested hopes in the ANC as the true champion of the people.

It becomes tempting to abdicate the responsibility of rebirth and renewal in times of despair and cowardly concede to the shelter of sidewalks.

Yet if this was the attitude of our golden generation, the attitude of Mama Nhlanhla Mthembu, we wouldn’t even have a chance to revive the ANC.

As we battle publicly and privately, vent and antagonize each other lest we forget that the greatest responsibility and task has finally befallen us.

These are extra ordinary times requiring extra ordinary measures. These are times where unfashionable documents of leadership analysis such as ‘Through the Eye of the Needle’ become necessarily prominent.

These are times where documents of the movement that gathered dust as they were not favorable rhetoric for parasitic bourgeoisies, must be more powerful than the tender document. These are times where building a branch can no longer be a prerogative of a faction.

This is the time where every ANC member is on the back-foot despite his factional convictions. These are times where renewal means back to basics.

Mama Nhlanhla Mthembu’s heart failed her- the most important organ of the body. The heart of the ANC is barely beating; beating against a tide of recurrent sin. She took her last breath just as it dawned that we are fast losing the currency of borrowed time and reigns borrowed from society.

It took her life and many others as we witnessed in our election campaign bodies of murdered comrades piling up unnecessarily in a democratic dispensation, to see that the ANC is no longer bleeding its members but society as well yet we remain an organization in denial of its state of paralysis.

Extra ordinary reactions to these realities are inevitable. The leadership has dismally failed to contain and more importantly deal with causations. Some will be labeled ill disciplined as they frantically attempt to take action. Yet the time for action has arrived, whatever this action might be.

Unfortunately the ANC and its Leaders have lost the moral high ground to even dictate what action in this trajectory means- the outcomes were evidence of this. A plethora of “introspection” documents in the form of organizational and secretariat reports gather dust in Luthuli House, yet we still seem to have the luxury of time to further introspect what is evidently glaring at us.

Mama Nhlanhla Mthembu’s death is profoundly timely, the ANC lost a woman of the movement on women’s month, lost a mother who invested everything in the organization and clearly vested all her hopes in it.

Her heart stopped when it appeared that the ANC had lost the City of Johannesburg. How many are like her in the organization, which see no hope or alternative in politics and would rather die with the ANC than walk away.

Should we fail to see the significance of her death and many comrades unnecessarily murdered when we celebrate democracy, we would have betrayed her and many others waiting with abated breath for drastic change, a beacon of hope, a gleam of courage, for assurance that the ANC will not die an untimely death in our lifetime.

I dedicate this poem to my generation and for many generations of the ANC to come

Cries from ANC graves

I have fallen once, I have fallen a hundred times

Yet my sturdy will keeps my unstable feet on the ground

I cry for my children, I cry for generations to come

For what will become of them

The day I wither and die

We care for we have no home but the ANC.